How to cite:

Widia Ningsih, Acep Aripudin (2024) Fenomenologi Ulama dan Politik Indonesia, (06) 06,

https://doi.org/10.36418/syntax-idea.v3i6.1227

E-ISSN:

2684-883X

Published by:

Ridwan Institute

PHENOMENOLOGY OF ULAMA AND INDONESIAN POLITICS

Widia Ningsih, Acep Aripudin

Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung, Indonesia,

Email: [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to analyze the phenomenon of scholars and politics in Indonesia.

The data type used in this study is qualitative data, which is categorized into two types:

primary and secondary data. This research obtained the results that ulama become people who

are in the community but are higher in position than leaders. This important position is

because the advice, advice and input of scholars' will always be needed by the leader. This is

due to the dynamics of Islamic politics, one of which is the transformation carried out by NU

youths who were originally pesantren-based into academics and active on campus, The

political movement within NU did initially seem reactive which was influenced by the

existence of socio-pyolytic conditions on the one hand and external factors that led to the birth

of the change process itself

Keywords: dinamica politik, politic, ulama,

INTRODUCTION

The relationship between Islam and politics in Indonesia is very closely related. In the

course of its history, the development of Islam with socio-cultural and political realities at the

local level has been involved in politics. In his book Efendi, (1998) said that throughout the

development of Indonesia has become an integral part of the political history of this country.

Although this does not mean that Islam is inherently a political religion, as some observers

have expressed.

Just like Da'wah and politics have a strong connection in Islam as a testament to the

process of improving the ummah. There is no doubt that in order to alleviate Muslims from so

many complex problems, it is necessary to handle them appropriately and well organized

(Muhtadi et al., 2020). The existence of the concept of Modernist Islam in Indonesia gives its

own color in the development of Muslims. This thought leads this ummah to the true

teachings of Islam which are based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah (Razzaq, 2014).

As a religion that pays attention to every aspect of human life, Islam does not allow its

people to behave without clear rules, so that from the beginning Islam has provided guidance

and guidance in politics there are four keywords that are of concern to Islam in political

affairs, namely leaders; people; rules and benefits. These four keywords are of great concern

to the scholars and make them an important theme in each of their works. To get a deeper

JOURNAL SYNTAX IDEA

p–ISSN: 2723-4339 e-ISSN: 2548-1398

Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024

Widia Ningsih, Acep Aripudin

2778 Syntax Idea, Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024

understanding of the discourse of siyāsah islamiyyah, it is good to know the thoughts of some

salaf scholars regarding politics (Fida, 2014).

The central role of a leader who is a role model in a region such as a country (Malik,

2023). In fact, the theme of leaders, including the traits that leaders should have, the

procedure for selecting leaders and the muamalah of leaders to ministers, aides and their

people has become a big theme in their books. This is because it is the leader who has the

right, authority as well as the obligation to determine and decide every case and problem that

befalls the community.

Every time this political performance is held, scholars and religious leaders (including

ustad, leaders of religious organizations, speakers, leaders of religious institutions, academics,

etc.) are busy becoming the "mouthpiece" or "echo" of politicians and certain candidates or

pairs of candidates (paslon). In fact, not a few religious leaders and scholars who participated

directly became "paslon" and "cups" (council candidates) competing with figures from other

camps. This is the background to the writing of the research, so it feels important to analyze

The purpose of this research is to analyze the role of ulama in politics, then how the dynamics

of Islamic politics in Indonesia.

RESEARCH METHOD

The research method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive method. The type of

data used in this study is qualitative data, which is categorized into two types, namely primary

data and secondary data. Data sources are obtained through library research techniques which

refer to available sources both online and offline such as: scientific journals, books and news

sourced from reliable sources. These sources are gathered based on discussion and linked

from one piece of information to another. The data collection technique used in this study is to

reduce several studies that have been carried out, then this data is analyzed and then

conclusions are drawn.

RESULT AND DISCUSSION

The Role of Ulama in Indonesian Politics

The position and role of ulama' in politics has always been a non-stop discussion both

among the ulama' themselves and those who are involved in the political arena. Like other

discussions, this issue resulted in two groups; Those who allow ulama' to enter the practical

political environment in order to give a good color, and those who think that it is better for

ulama' not to get directly involved in politics so that their neutrality can be maintained. Each

opinion must have reasons and evidence that they think can be used as an important basis for

the opinion.

The scholars who are the basis of this discussion are those who really give up their

intention to learn Islamic religious knowledge and spread it among Muslims without any

worldly selflessness that they want. 18 Thus, not everyone can be included in the group of

scholars, nor is it easy for a person to consider himself a scholar or to be considered a scholar

by others.

Such scholars have an important and strategic position in the midst of society. They are

a group that is in the middle of society but has a higher position than the leader. This

important position is because the advice, suggestions and input of the ulama will always be

Phenomenology of Ulama and Indonesian Politics

Syntax Idea, Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024 2779

needed by the leader. Ibn Qutaybah in his book emphasizes that the ulama' and zuhhād are

pivotal actors because they are the advisors of leaders (mulūk) in various matters such as

Muḥammad ibn Ka'ab al-Quraẓī who advised 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azīz and al-Awzā'ī who

received great respect from al-Manṣūr (Burhanudin, 2012).

Al-Ùurṭushī also recorded interesting stories of conversations between scholars and

leaders such as al-Aḥnaf ibn Qays with Mu'awiyyah, Sufyān al-Ùaurī with al-Mahdī and Ibn

Sammāk with Hārūn al-Rashīd. All of these stories boil down to the strategic role of the

ulama' as advisors to the leader so that they do not deviate in carrying out their obligations to

their people. This strategic role is not followed by a high position in the state system, in the

sense that it does not have an important official position on the political stage.

The reluctance of the ulama to enter the existing political system is not an indication

that they do not engage in politics or consider Islam separate from politics. Se mua ulama'

should continue to do politics by not entering the arena of practical politics. This kind of

politics maintains the neutrality of the scholars so that every word, speech and deed is only to

uphold the truth (sentence al-haqq) wherever and whenever they are. They do not defend

party A or B, nor do they support groups and tribes C and D. Nor do they have any personal

or group ambitions to approach leaders so that they are known in the wider community. For

them, defending the truth is the most important thing regardless of who is defended and what

will be gained. In fact, he also conveyed the truth in front of deviant leaders, which is why

jihad is especially important for scholars' (afḍal al-jihād kalimat al-haqq tuqālu li imām jā'ir)

(Darmawan, 2018)

The institutionalization of Islamic teachings, including in the context of the formation of

the national system, is grouped into cultural Islam and structural Islam. Cultural Islam implies

that the socialization and institutionalization of Islamic teachings is carried out through efforts

that emphasize the change of awareness and behavior of the ummah/society without the

involvement of the state and without changing the national system into an Islamic system.

Structural Islam, on the other hand, emphasizes these efforts through the establishment of an

Islamic national system and public policy. This kind of effort should not be carried out

through Islamic political parties, although of course it requires the political will of these

public policy makers.

In the cultural Islam movement and political Islam. Cultural Islamic movements are

activities of Muslims to fight for their aspirations through non-political activities, such as

through mass organizations, da'wah activities, social institutions, etc. Meanwhile, the

definition of a political Islamic movement is clear, namely Islamic activities through Islamic

political parties, which can be identified through the use of Islamic names, principles, goals or

symbols. As in terms of structural Islam, political Islam can live reasonably if it is supported

by a political system and climate that provides freedom for the emergence of multi-parties,

including religious parties. Although the relationship between the two perspectives is very

close and difficult to separate, there are clear differences between the two, especially in terms

of the meaning of structural Islam and political Islam; and conversely, people who support

political Islam will support structural Islam. However, in reality this is not always the case,

which is evidenced both by the political attitude of Islamic figures and the political practices

in Indonesia. During the parliamentary democracy, there was no difference between structural

Islam and political Islam because Islamic party leaders supported both.

Similarly, in the early days of the New Order, this kind of condition was still the same,

but later changed with the Orba government's policy of deideologizing political parties and

depoliticizing Islam. In the 1970s and early 1980s, both structural Islam and political Islam

received restrictions from the government, resulting in the emergence of cultural Islamic

Widia Ningsih, Acep Aripudin

2780 Syntax Idea, Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024

movements and orientations and rejection of political Islam and structural Islam. On the other

hand, even though political Islam in the Orba masses cannot live, there are still many Islamic

figures who still have a structural Islamic orientation (Basri, 2017). Of course, this is not

expressed through political parties, but through other means, such as Islamic organizations

that can also play an interest group. The conditions in this reform era are almost similar to the

conditions of the parliamentary democracy era, especially the freedom of expression, the

establishment of parties with various streams, etc. This has resulted in the re-emergence of

structural Islamic orientation and political Islam simultaneously and without obstacles,

although in reality there has also been a change in the orientation of a number of figures who

are different from this logic, namely the emergence of an orientation towards political Islam

but not automatically supporting structural Islam.

Dynamics of Islamic politics in Indonesia

a. Political dynamics of Nahdatul Ulama and the National Awakening Party

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is a religious political organization that cannot be separated

from world traditions. Islamic boarding school, which makes the figure of the kiai as a

central figure. The charisma of the kiai is enough to color the historical dynamics of NU's

political journey, even NU is synonymous with charismatic scholars who are quite

influential. In essence, NU is a modern manifestation of the religious life, political and

cultural life of the kiai. The NU movement is considered by observers as an organization

that represents the traditionalist wing as the antithesis of modernist groups such as

Muhammadiyah (Noer, 1987).

In its history, NU stood as a form of reaction from the outside to the purification and

renewal movement carried out by the modernist group (Muhammadiyah and Persis). The

establishment of this organization is inseparable from the role of kiai with the main

community in Islamic boarding schools and rural communities who are the main

supporters of this traditional Islamic group. Thus, the nature of NU's existence is an effort

to reaffirm the values of religious political traditions that have been institutionalized in a

more established network of structures and lifestyles including: Islamic boarding schools,

kiai, santri and congregations. They are scattered in the country as units of the political and

cultural community of the Islamic community so that NU does not have difficulties in

developing its organization. This phenomenon is reflected in the influence of Hadratus

Sheikh KH. Hasyim Asyari' in all Islamic boarding schools throughout Java through a

stronger scientific geneological network, so that when NU was first politicized, it received

support and sympathy from the kiai and the pesantren community in general and its

contribution in building scientific traditions through the kiai-pesantren base (Tanthowi,

2021).

The scientific tradition embraced by NU relies on the doctrine of Aswaja which is

based on three core role models: First, monotheism by following the understanding of

Asyari and Maturidi. Second, in the field of fiqh, follow one of the four imams of the

mashab. Third, in the field of Sufism (tarekat) following the way of Junaid al-Baghdadi

and Imam al-Ghazali. This is the foundation of NU's Sunniness in developing a complete

religious scientific tradition (Wahid, 1985)

The core of the scientific tradition embraced by NU is the organic link between

monotheism, fiqh and Sufism in a continuous manner, which in the long term fosters a

view of the link between the worldly and ukhrawi dimensions in life. In addition to

maintaining the continuity of NU's scientific tradition, another aspect that is quite

Phenomenology of Ulama and Indonesian Politics

Syntax Idea, Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024 2781

prominent is the development of bases rooted in pesantren and tarekat. The real basis of

NU is Islamic boarding schools and kiai.

However, Martin Van Bruinessen is worried that if in one hut there is no one who

can be expected to be his successor, then in a certain period of time this will be the cause

of the collapse of the ideology of the pesantren which is based on the charisma of the

lineage (Van Bruinessen, 1994)

NU then took part concretely after being involved in the life of the nation and state,

especially in the fields of religious politics, cultural politics and politics. For this reason,

NU's claim as a traditional organization began to change, even experiencing a drastic shift.

Nakamura stated that NU's claim as a traditional organization in its development is no

longer synonymous with conservatism, the sarongs that bring to the table, decadence and

ice, its followers are no longer considered as an obstacle to progress (Fealy & Barton,

1996).

This phenomenon began to appear since the early 1980s, especially in the era of KH's

leadership. Abdurrahman Wahid for fifteen years led NU as the general chairman of

PBNU. He was quite successful in laying the foundations of progressive, modern and

inclusive thinking. However, the traditional pattern and color are still maintained based on

the rule: " Al-Mukhafazatuh alal Qadimis Shalih wa Akhzu Aslahah". Taking new and

better values and maintaining old values that are still relevant.

Another interesting phenomenon is NU's direct involvement in empowering Civil

Society through NU's political and cultural movements. Observing the phenomenon of

NU's work on this cultural path, the role and work of NU youth cannot be doubted. Some

of the young NU figures exist in the cultural path and choose to develop political thoughts

and movements, such as the empowerment of street children (Fealy & Barton, 1996).

The political transformation that colors the dynamics of NU's journey is focused on

the sociological or socio-hostoric aspects that accompany the political dynamics of NU,

both internal (NU organization) and external (state). To highlight the journey of NU's

political history as a whole, totality and universality. This phenomenon is interesting

because NU for a long period of time between generations that have different characters

and typologies in coloring NU, they exist to carry out political movements in all fields in

the midst of political changes.

This discussion tries to examine the process of religious political transformation that

colors the dynamics of NU's political journey. In addition to the paradigm shift in the NU

religious political movement as a discourse of reconstruction of traditionalist discourse into

radical traditionalism, it has even penetrated into post-traditionalist discourse.

The face of NU has recently changed according to the process it has gone through

along with the political conditions that color the dynamics of NU, both internally and

externally. The reconstruction of NU's traditionalist discourse can be seen in the discourse

developed by the last generation, and now it has penetrated the discourse of liberalism

even towards the post-liberalist which displays the new face of NU displayed by NU youth

who exist on the cultural path.

Tracking the history of politics and the transformation process, the basis of political

movements and thoughts in NU about the empowerment of civil society after Khittah

1926, the following are stated several reasons including: First, Nahdlatul Ulama which

since its establishment has been a religious political organization that makes kiai figures

the main supporter based on Islamic boarding schools (kiai-santri). Throughout its history,

NU has undergone a transformation process that has colored the dynamics of its journey,

where NU since its inception has been claimed to be a traditionalist group, now penetrating

Widia Ningsih, Acep Aripudin

2782 Syntax Idea, Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024

into a more open life scene in addition to the birth of NU scholars who have been exposed

to the discourse of modernity and the academic community. This is a new phenomenon in

this religious organization.

Second, NU, which has made the kiai as a central figure, has also undergone many

changes or shifts, besides because the kiai itself is starting to be open to new values. In

fact, it has been in intensive contact with politics including practical politics, this

phenomenon was seen for example when NU became a political party in the 1950s and

later in the reform era, NU frontmen such as KH. Abdurrahman Wahid was elected as the

fourth president, KH. Kholil Bisri became the Deputy Chairman of the People's

Consultative Assembly (MPR) and several kiai who were active in PKB and other NU-

based parties led several kiai to become legislative members. Even so, most NU scholars

still choose to take full part by fostering their respective Islamic boarding schools. Third,

progressive steps and political actions or movements of NU youth that exist in cultural

channels are an interesting phenomenon, especially in building civil society empowerment

projects. The work of NU youth in this cultural path is part of the transformation process

which shows that NU now and in the future is increasingly existing by adopting

developments that occur in various aspects. The NU youth group is also basically divided

into two, namely a group that takes part in the national political stage such as Muhaimin

Iskandar, Efendi Choiri, Masykur Musa, Khofifah Indar Parawansa and others. The second

group is those who exist in the cultural path such as Ulil Abhsar Abdalla, Ahmad Baso,

Rumadi, Zuhairi Misrawi etc., they choose to take part in the cultural path by developing

critical reasoning of religious thought discourse and political movements towards the

empowerment of Civil Society.

In each of these periods, it indicates that NU has undergone a transformation process

from the dominance of kiai to the period of undergraduate (intellectual) and recently young

people have taken a role whose contribution is quite calculated. A process that shows the

dynamics and creative process of each generation in responding to various contemporary

developments, for example through the Bahtsul Masail institution. This ulama-based

institution intensively discusses political issues (fiqh siyasah) in thematic religious issues

(diniyah maudhuiyah) including state issues, democratization, democracy, demonstrations,

human rights and mutual funds. These issues are usually discussed in the munas or

congresses that discuss daily religious issues (diniyah waqiiyah) such as Friday prayers for

the second generation, nikah mut'ah, marriage under hands and minors, land rights, insulin,

cloning, demonstrations and demonstrations. This indicates how progressive NU scholars

are in responding to various political problems in society. Then the work of intellectuals

succeeded in raising the face of NU in the national and international stage as played by

KH. Abdurrahman Wahid and KH. Hasyim Muzadi. Another role that is quite taken into

account is the existence of NU youth in the cultural path with an obsession with

empowering civil society in the form of defending labor rights and poor farmers in remote

villages. In the national political arena, NU's ability to take a role with the state (NU Vis a

Vis Negara). In certain conditions, NU is very flexible and accommodating to the

government (state), but in other conditions NU becomes an opposition to the political

policies of the government (state) (Feillard, 1999).

In this case, foreign observers and academics are a special attraction to be studied

according to their respective disciplines, both sociologists and religious political observers

and foreign observers such as Nakamura, Andree Fillard, Greg Barton Martin Van

Bruinessen, Sidney Jones and others. While in the last decade there has been a shift in the

political movement of NU's religious religion, it continues to show that the nuances of

Phenomenology of Ulama and Indonesian Politics

Syntax Idea, Vol. 6, No. 06, Juni 2024 2783

dynamics are phenomena that need to be observed academically, for example, the struggle

of groups of politicians and intellectuals-academics as well as those who are active in

cultural movements or cultural movements, respectively, take part in the political and

political context in the country.

The various dynamics that color NU's journey are interesting to read, especially on

NU's readiness to accept new values while maintaining old values that are still relevant. In

this frame of mind, the author then assumes that this phenomenon is a process of political

transformation in a more global sense, namely the transformation of religious, political,

and cultural politics. This is also what has colored the cultural and transformative political

movement of NU throughout history. Then review the process of political transformation

in the thinking of the NU people which colors the dynamics of NU's political journey in

the midst of the current of political change by fostering an attitude of openness to the

values of modernity in every dimension of life, including in the scene of political, cultural,

religious, national and state life, as well as those who are active in cultural movements or

cultural movements respectively taking part in the political and political context in the

country.